Has Michael Jordan been on performance-enhancing drugs

Michael Kruger

Doping - an unsolved problem in sport

in: transactions No. 223 (3/2018), pp. 39-54

The attempts to improve one's own performance with drugs and other chemical substances are neither an invention of modern times nor of sport. In competitive sport, however, doping is increasingly being problematized, controlled and sanctioned - so far, of course, without the prospect that this could be stopped. In the following article Michael Krüger describes how doping and the fight against doping developed together, what role the professionalization of sport played and why modern competitive sport is hardly conceivable without doping.



Doping is seen as the biggest problem in sport of our time. The purpose of prohibiting doping in sport is to protect the health of athletes and to prevent fraud. "To protect the athletes ’fundamental right to participate in doping-free sport and thus promote health, fairness and equality for athletes worldwide”, Is named in the Strategic Plan of the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) as its most important goal. In order to achieve this goal, action against doping should be systematic and worldwide: "To ensure harmonized, coordinated and effective anti-doping programs at the international and national level with regard to detection, deterrence and prevention of doping".[1] WADA was founded in 1999 by states and sports organizations with the aim of leading and winning the fight against doping more effectively. [2]

In spite of all anti-doping measures, the doping problem does not only seem not to be controlled, but it seems to continue to grow. The media contribute significantly to this impression because they can easily find what they are looking for in the search for sensations and scandals on the subject of doping. A current example is the latest revelations about the so-called Russian state doping, which was uncovered by the investigative ARD doping editorial team. [3] Again and again it is about the fact that athletes use illicit means instead of sticking to the rules; that doctors, caregivers and officials support athletes in doping fraud rather than discouraging them; that sports federations fail to control their doping rules instead of enforcing the rules; that states and associations, instead of banning and controlling doping, support or even prescribe doping. Although there is no group of people who are medically and biochemically tested and controlled as intensively as high-performance athletes, the doping spiral continues. The "transparent person" has become a reality in high-performance sport, [4] and yet the impression is solidified that doping fraud is getting worse instead of better. The transparent athlete seems to have taken the place of the "responsible athlete". [5] The doping experts Verner Møller and Paul Dimeo describe these developments as "the end of sport". [6]

The main features of the genesis of doping and anti-doping are described below. Then the doping event is placed in larger historical and social contexts, before the background and causes of doping are reflected on. Doping is now one of the most intensively researched topics in sport. The article draws on the most important studies and work in this field. [7]


What is doping and how have doping and anti-doping developed?

The central thesis of Marcel Reinold's historically and sociologically oriented study on the history of doping and anti-doping is that doping has only existed since anti-doping has existed. According to Reinold, doping is a "construction", more precisely a historical and social construction. [8] Doping is the result of a discourse in which the use of performance-enhancing agents and drugs in sport was designated as doping and prohibited. That is why doping and anti-doping cannot be separated from one another.

The discussion about doping goes back to the turn of the 19th to the 20th century, when modern competitive and competitive sports spread in western, civilized countries. This debate was taken up again after the Second World War. The war experiences of soldiers have significantly contributed to the fact that stimulants and drugs, which were and are used in all armies, were also used in competitive sports. The best-known stimulant drug, which was initially even issued by the army command in the German Wehrmacht, was pervitin. [9] Similar agents with the same active ingredients (metamphetamines) were also used in other armies. [10] Pervitin was one of the most widely used stimulants in sports after World War II. The Vietnam war, the Afghanistan wars and the Iraq wars also contributed to the spread of drugs, generally addictive substances and psychotropic drugs.

After the Second World War, doctors and sports doctors worried about the health of athletes, especially in Germany. They knew about the dangers of stimulants, especially since many of them, like Arthur Mallwitz, had witnessed the war (with him it was even both world wars) and had learned what role these substances had played in the war among the soldiers of the Wehrmacht. [11]

In Germany, the 1952 definition of doping by the German Sports Medical Association was decisive and had a lasting effect. [12] It was ultimately adopted by the sports associations. The use of performance-enhancing drugs and drugs is harmful doping and violates equal opportunities in sporting competitions. Therefore doping should be outlawed and forbidden. If drugs are taken with the intention of increasing athletic performance in competition, one should speak of doping, regardless of whether the increase in performance is actually due to the drug or not. The mere intention to dop should be morally outlawed and forbidden. [13] This made a widespread and well-established practice of taking performance-enhancing drugs morally wrong.

However, this ethical definition of doping was unsuitable for testing and monitoring. She appealed to the fairness and sporting spirit of the athletes, doctors and supervisors as well as to their self-image not to act contrary to the principles of humanity, physical integrity and health in sport despite all efforts, all risks and all struggle. That is why the very idea of ​​violating the principles of humane top-class sport should be tabooed without the prohibition being able to be monitored. However, it created an awareness that medication to improve athletic performance is not compatible with the spirit of sport or the ethos of the doctor. Doctors have an obligation to help the sick. However, your job is not to help athletes perform better. Grupe has repeatedly warned that the violation of this sporting and medical ethos through doping hits sport in its human sense and self-image "right in the 'heart'". Doping is not a trivial offense. [14]

The goal of humane competitive sport without doping and performance manipulation was expressly formulated again in 1977 in the "Declaration of Principles for Top Sport" of the German Sports Association, but when a completely different understanding of doping and doping controls had already established itself. [15] The philosopher and Olympic rowing champion from 1960, Hans Lenk, had called for the Olympic motto of the citius, altius, fortius through a humanius to be added. [16] His recipe against doping was education to become a “responsible athlete” through “democratic training”. [17]

In the 1960s there was a paradigm shift in the understanding of doping. The decision to no longer just morally condemn doping, but to prohibit the use of doping substances and to monitor compliance with the prohibition, to check and to sanction violations, came from the sports associations and ultimately from the International Olympic Committee (IOC) . The reason for this change from the "intensional to the extensional definition" was that reports of doping incidents increased in the early 1960s. [18] The death of Danish cyclist Knud Enemark Jensen at the 1960 Olympic Games in Rome played an important role for the IOC and its President Avery Brundage. It has been traced back to doping. [19] In 1967 Tom Simpson died in the Tour de France on Mont Ventoux. [20]

The sports associations, led by the IOC, have now defined doping on the basis of a list of prohibited drugs. Anyone who took drugs on this list was considered doped and had to face sanctions. The list was drawn up by the Medical Commission of the IOC and initially contained a number of stimulants and drugs that had previously been used in competition and were now prohibited. Their ban should now also be monitored. This extensional doping definition made it possible to objectively prove doping offenses through controls. Now, however, appropriate structures had to be set up in order to be able to control doping first in competition and then also in training. In addition, penalties had to be defined and enforced for those athletes who could be proven to have taken a drug.

The downside of this definition of doping on the basis of concrete, objectified doping lists, which were believed to be the solution to the doping problem, only gradually became apparent. It consisted of all other drugs and drugs not specifically listed as being allowed. As a result, there was no longer just a competition between the athletes on the field and on the track, but also between doctors and pharmacists to develop and use agents that are effective but are not on the doping list. The long-time chairman of the Anti Doping Commission of the International Athletics Federation (IAAF), Arne Ljungquist, spoke of a "rabbit-hedgehog race" that was now beginning; [21] that is, between those who created the doping lists as well as procedures and methods of control who developed prohibited agents and substances, and the other specialists and experienced experts who tried to develop alternative methods that were effective but were neither on the list as prohibited nor detectable. The race has not ended to this day.

The change from the ethically motivated, intensional to the pragmatic-criminological, extensional definition of doping meant the decisive step towards the institutionalization and bureaucratisation of anti-doping. Doping and anti-doping developed into an integral part of modern, organized competitive sport, as it was also characterized by Allen Guttmann based on Max Weber. [22] The anti-doping bureaucracy extends beyond the boundaries of the sports administration. Doping violations are no longer just rule violations that are regulated and sanctioned within sports. Specific anti-doping laws in some countries, including Germany since 2015, have turned doping athletes and their helpers and accomplices into criminals who can be convicted and punished by courts beyond sports courts. [23]


Background and causes of the doping spiral

Performance-enhancing means in sport and society

Why do athletes take performance enhancers and drugs?

Studies such as that of the Norwegian sociologist and philosopher Gunnar Breivik have shown that athletes do anything, that is, they are ready to accept death, just to win or even just to get the last kick in an extraordinary sporting achievement or performance experience. [24] Sometimes the point is to compensate for dwindling strength or to experience special pleasure and satisfaction. They practice and train, they exert themselves and fight with all the strength of their will and body, with full effort and concentration. They adjust their lives and their diets to the point of self-surrender to this struggle and finally do not hesitate to take stimulants, drugs and medication, be it to endure the exertion and pain or the limits of performance beyond what is naturally possible for them To move beyond the limit.

It is said of ancient athletes that they not only ate special diets, but also took all sorts of miracle drugs in order to be victorious.

Using special means and methods to improve performance was and is still a phenomenon not only in athletics and sport, but also in other areas of life. In working life, in armies and in wars, but also in art, in literature, in music and even in love, drugs and medication are used to improve or even maintain performance, to overcome fatigue, to increase pain endure and not least to increase pleasure. The history of human sexuality is full of myths about aphrodisiacs for increasing potency. [25] This example not only shows how closely the relationship between pleasure and performance is not only in sport, but also points to a certain irony in biology and performance physiology. It consists in the fact that the same means of increasing pleasure, namely male sex hormones, are also among the most effective doping agents. [26]

Anabolic drug doping has also found its way into competitive sports via the bodybuilding and strength sports scene. [27] In the GDR, the use of anabolic steroids was perfected with the help of medicine, science and the pharmaceutical industry. [28] The drugs, anabolic steroids and other drugs sold in fitness and bodybuilding studios are part of a growing black market in which, similar to the drug trade, illegal business is done at the expense of the health of the users.


Equestrian sports and cycling

Means are said to have been used in equestrian sports as early as the 17th century to manipulate bets by poisoning favored horses with arsenic. This practice was banned and made a criminal offense because it no longer gave fair betting opportunities and thus jeopardized high stakes. This negative doping was then turned positively in cycling, in that the racing drivers either consumed stimulants and drug substances such as arsenic and strychnine themselves or were administered by their managers. [29] They were hoping for a higher level of performance, at least for the duration of the competition.

The athletes either weren't concerned or were unaware of the long-term effects of these drugs and medications on their health. For the riders, it was initially about being able to survive the rigors of road races such as the Tour de France, which was first held in 1903, or the six-day races in cycling arenas. In particular during the “heroic era” of the Tour before World War I, numerous stories (or myths) have been passed down about the “Tour of Sorrows” including the manipulations, deceptions, and countless drugs and drugs administered to the drivers ] In the beginning, the principle was that each driver drives at his own expense and risk. [31] The drivers were professionals. They had to finance their sport themselves and earn a living from it.


Sport in late capitalism

High-performance and high-performance sport established itself as a kind of image of the capitalist economic and social order, which is dependent on constant performance optimization, growth and improvement. Christian Graf von Krockow (1927-2002), who also dealt with the social phenomenon of sport, emphasized that "performance, competition and equality" represent the basic principles of sport as well as modern, capitalist society. [32] For the neo-Marxist cultural critic Theodor W. Adorno (1903-1969), sport was an expression and an instrument of capitalism in order to physically exploit people and to subordinate them to the constraints of the capitalist order. [33]

Krockow and Adorno were in agreement that sport, especially modern high-performance sport, breathed the “spirit of capitalism” in the field of physical culture, as Max Weber understood and interpreted it. [34] Weber used it to describe an attitude in which an activity becomes a profession, that is, finds meaning in itself. The capitalist is not satisfied with being able to and having something; he wants more: to be able to do more, to know more, to have more. He does not want to have something in order to be able to live, but he lives in order to acquire more and to have more. Analogously, it could be said that competitive athletes do not do sports because they want to train their bodies or because they have fun doing it, but rather they enjoy it when they strive for better performance and achieve better results. Citius, altius, fortius is the motto of the Olympic movement. The constant increase becomes an end in itself for competitive and high-performance athletes. This posture is fundamentally different from educational gymnastics or patriotic gymnastics, where physical exercise is a means to an end, not a profession.The spiral of performance and profit expectations, sensation and tension as a sign of modern, capitalist culture and civilization seems to be typical of the field of sport, more precisely of professional sport.

Paradoxically, this capitalist attitude towards sport as a profession also applied to the earlier communist states of the world. In the Soviet Union and the GDR, but also in China and to this day in other totalitarian states, regardless of the respective state ideology, high-performance and high-performance sport formed an island of capitalist competition and progress, albeit with restrictions. [35] While the sports officials understood sport and the athletes as a means to achieve political goals, for the athletes themselves sport became a profession, as Max Weber had seen as indicative of the capitalist spirit. The athletes in totalitarian regimes are therefore subject to a double constraint: on the one hand, the spirit of capitalism and, on the other hand, the rule of the regime. Another paradox is that the professional attitude towards sport as a profession in Weber's sense also applied to the area of ​​amateur sport, that is to say sport which in the bourgeois western world should expressly not be understood as a profession, but as a "hobby".


Amateur sports and professional sports

The distinction between professional and amateur sport only emerged with the modern Olympic Games, which, according to the will of the founders around Pierre de Coubertin in the International Olympic Committee (IOC), were only open to amateurs and not to professional athletes. Amateurs were those athletes who practiced their sport for pleasure, but not as a profession. The IOC's amateur rule excluded athletes who made a living doing sports. This rule was applied so strictly that some athletes, such as the American athlete of Indian descent, Jim Thorpe (1887-1953), were subsequently stripped of his gold medal in the decathlon at the Stockholm Olympics in 1912 because he had previously been a professional baseball player in the USA was active. [36] The Austrian skier Karl Schranz (born 1938) was excluded from the 1972 Winter Olympics in Innsbruck because he is said to have advertised a coffee brand. [37]

To this day, jersey advertising is banned at the Olympic Games. In contrast to world championships and other major sporting events, the IOC, as the organizer and owner of the Olympic Games, does not pay any bonuses to the athletes. However, after the Olympic Congress in Baden-Baden in 1981, admission rule 26 of the Olympic Charter was changed. [38] Now professional athletes were also allowed to take part in the Olympic Games. The floodgates for the commercialization and professionalization of the Olympic Games and all competitive and high-performance sports were thus open.

What was the point of the amateur rule and what does it have to do with the doping problems of sport? The amateur rule can be explained from the history of sport. It was introduced because the elite and aristocratic supporters of British-English sport, the gentleman class, wanted to create a social reserve for themselves. The "Leisure Class", as it was described by the American sociologist Thorstein Veblen in his critical analysis and social satire in 1899, wanted to keep to itself in a demonstrative way. [39] Only those who do sport for fun and are not dependent on it can do it in the “right”, sporty and fair spirit, according to the opinion of the representatives of amateur sport since the founding of the International Olympic Committee in Paris in 1894. At that time, at a congress on amateur sport called by Pierre de Coubertin, it was decided to host the first modern Olympic Games in Athens in 1896, only for amateurs.

Just as competitive sport was a capitalist thorn in the flesh of the socialist and communist states, amateurism was an anachronism in capitalism, at least in the sense of Max Weber. The idea of ​​amateurism came from the world of the English landed gentry (gentry) and the gentlemen. [41] It did not fit in with the capitalist principles of growth and progress that also applied to modern competitive and high-performance Olympic sports: citius - altius - fortius. It is therefore no coincidence that Coubertin himself considered amateurism to be an “admirable mummy” [42] which he wanted to put in a museum. He considered it a “utopia” to try to “impose a guideline of binding moderation on martial arts,” he said in his radio address in 1935. In this speech before the Olympic Games in Berlin (1936), the founder of the Olympic movement summed up at the end of his life Life once again summarizes the "philosophical foundations of modern Olympism". Instead of moderation, he called for "unrestrained freedom" for supporters of Olympic sport. [43]

Coubertin did not mention, however, that this freedom can also consist in destroying one's own health or that of the opponent. His ideal of an Olympic athlete was the débrouillard - the type of shrewd, clever, and uncompromising fighter who looks just as good in sport as in real life. [44] On the other hand, he did not want to see women as competitors in the Olympic Stadium.


The tendency to excess

In his essay “La Psychologie du sport” from 1900, which Ernst Hojer translated into German in 1972, Coubertin reflected fundamentally on the motto adopted by his confessor, Father Henri Didon citius, altius, fortius. This spirit of modern sport or the Olympic Games of the modern age is in principle the same as in antiquity: “That in turn can lead to the conclusion”, said Coubertin at the end of his essay, “that today, as then, there is a tendency in sport to excess ; he strives for greater speed, greater height and greater strength - always for more. "And he adds:" That is his disadvantage, if you think about it - with regard to human equilibrium. But that is also his nobility - and his poetry. "[45]

The amateur rule lasted until the end of Avery Brundage's IOC presidency. This considered it the best immune defense against doping and fraud in sport; [46] because whoever does sport as an amateur, for fun and games, who is not existentially dependent on sport and victory in sport, has no reason to to cheat himself and others or to put his health at risk unduly, but only for as long and as he enjoys it. But that is no longer the problem of the organizers of amateur sporting events such as the Olympic Games, but of the athletes themselves. In the eyes of Brundage and other Olympians like Carl Diem, doping was only a problem of professional sport, but not of amateur Olympic sport. “No matter how much it is dealt with in the newspaper's sports column, professional sport is not 'sport', but the opposite of it: trade, and indeed it belongs to the showman's profession, with which it often has professional discipline and rigor in common. This is not a value judgment, but a fact. Professional sport is not a sport, ”said Carl Diem. [47]

In the context of the 1972 Olympic Games, when systematic doping controls were first announced in competition, Brundage refused to accept the problem and only half-heartedly agreed that the IOC should also help finance the doping controls. [48] The amateur rule, like the anti-doping rules today, could not be effectively controlled and enforced. But the spirit of amateur sport had a moderating effect on the tendency of sport to "excess", because the athletes could not put their entire existence on the card sport, but school, training, studies and work were just as important for at least the majority of amateur athletes like their sport. With the end of the amateur rule, this balance in the lifestyle of competitive athletes changed. If you wanted to be victorious and successful in sport, you had to make it the center of your life, your profession.


Doping in amateur sports

In fact, amateurs were already doping at the beginning of the modern Olympic Games. However, it is unclear to what extent and to what extent. The first recorded violation of a doping rule at the Olympic Games took place in the 1908 Olympic Games in London in the marathon. The organizers had expressly stated in the rules of the marathon that the use of "drugs" was prohibited and would lead to disqualification. [49] The Italian marathon runner Dorando Pietri, who crossed the finish line first, had violated it. He was doped with strychnine and atropine. Just like the winner of the 1904 marathon in Saint Louis, Thomas Hicks. At that time, however, there was no doping ban. Pietri was not disqualified in London because of doping, but because he was completely exhausted and disoriented and could only cross the finish line with the help of doctors and supervisors.

The amateur sport system was officially abandoned after the Olympic Congress in Baden-Baden in 1981. There are several reasons for this: firstly, the distinction between amateurs and professional athletes became obsolete since the communist states of the Eastern Bloc, headed by the Soviet Union and the GDR, treated their athletes as "state amateurs"; they acted on behalf of the state and were also paid and trained by the state. Amateurs in the West, on the other hand, were amateur athletes. Professional athletes such as boxers, racing cyclists, tennis players or Bundesliga licensed players, on the other hand, were not allowed to take part in the Olympic Games. In addition, the audience's interest turned more and more to professional sport. On the other hand, interest in amateur or hobby sports decreased.

With the change, however, the doping problem worsened. Should there ever have been major differences between amateur and professional sport with regard to the use of performance-enhancing agents and medication, they have now finally leveled off. Examples are doping cases in professional cycling and Olympic sport, especially in Olympic athletics, but also in swimming and weight training. While the IOC and the traditional amateur sports federations gradually introduced stricter anti-doping rules and lists of prohibited drugs and substances, this happened rather hesitantly in professional sports. [50] In professional cycling, especially in major road races such as the Tour de France, riders, supervisors and doctors adhered to the usual practice of taking stimulant and performance-enhancing drugs and drugs despite doping lists and bans. Controls were neither carried out consistently nor taken seriously.

A change in doping behavior and the doping mentality only took place when the state interfered in the sport and doping events. This interference was done in two ways. First, through specific anti-doping laws that were enacted early on in some countries, such as France and Italy, and which in the 1990s led to anti-doping raids being carried out during the Tour de France, which almost led to the end of this cycling event would have. Second, these doping scandals led to the establishment of WADA and the National Anti-Doping Commissions (NADA) in the new century. With the establishment of these agencies, the responsibility and control of doping offenses in sport shifted from the sports federations with the IOC at the top to the states. The fight against doping in sport is no longer just a matter of sport, but also of government policy and taxpayers; because the financing of the WADA and the NADAs and thus the financing of the doping controls is largely and in many countries exclusively from tax revenues.



The doping issue makes it clear that sport has lost its character as a more or less private world of its own. [51] It no longer stands for itself, but has become part of the state, economy and society. At least this seems to apply to high-performance sport. It stands for the “spirit of capitalism”, for performance, competition and equal opportunities. For him, both the specific rules of the respective sport and the rules of capitalism apply. High-performance athletes do not practice sport as a hobby, but as a profession. If amateur and recreational athletes take drugs, medication or other performance-enhancing substances and medication, as is the case in large numbers, this does not correspond to the spirit of a fair sport that is supposed to be beneficial to health; but it is neither controlled nor sanctioned. Recreational athletes who do doping do not behave any differently than people who take performance-enhancing drugs and medication in other contexts of life. As long as they do not do this in traffic or at work, it is not forbidden.

However, professional high-performance athletes do not act as private individuals, but as public persons who have to comply with the rules of their profession.

Today more than ever, top professional sport is subject to the principles of our capitalist economic order. It is designed for competition, growth and improvement: Citius, altius, fortius. However, it is a regulated growth market. Not all means of enhancement are allowed. The temptation will therefore persist to break these rules in order to gain an advantage in this competition. Doping will remain a part of sport in the future, as will other criminal offenses in other areas of our economy and society. State and sport will therefore, like sysyphus in the myth, never be able to do their job of checking their rules, monitoring compliance with them and sanctioning violations of the rules.


PROF. DR. MICHAEL KRÜGER is professor of sports science with a focus on sports education and sports history at the Institute for Sports Science at the University of Münster. He researches and teaches on historical-political as well as pedagogical-social and ethical questions and problems of sport development. Numerous publications and textbooks; Current research projects on the history of doping and the history of sports medicine in Germany. Recent publications: Visual Sources in the History of Sports: Potential, Problems, and Perspectives with Selected Examples of Sporting Art. In: Historical Social Research, 43 (2/2018), pp. 72-91; German football-recent developments and origins. In: German Journal of Exercise and Sport Research, 48 (2/2018), pp. 1-9 (together with Herzog Markwart & Reinhart Kai).



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Møller, Verner; Dimeo, Paul (2013): Anti-doping - the end of sport. In: International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics, Pp. 1-14. DOI: 10.1080 / 19406940.2013.798740.

National Olympic Committee for Germany (ed.) (1982): The Congress. Reports and documents on the 11th Olympic Congress, Baden-Baden 1981. With the collaboration of Christoph Vedder (editor). 11th Olympic Congress. Baden-Baden, 23.09. - 09/26/1981. Munich: NOK.

Pieper, Werner (ed.) (2002): Nazis on Speed. Drugs in the 3rd Reich. Löhrbach: Pieper and The Grüne Kraft.

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Rätsch, Christian; Hofmann, Albert (2008): Plants of love. Aphrodisiacs in myth, past and present; with recipes and practical applications. Essen: Magic-Bookworld-Verl.

Reinold, Marcel (2010): Doping. In: Michael Krüger and Hans Langenfeld (eds.): Handbuch Sportgeschichte. Schorndorf: Hofmann (Contributions to Teaching and Research in Sport, 173), pp. 362–377.

Reinold, Marcel (2016): Doping as a construction. A cultural history of anti-doping policy. 1st ed. Bielefeld: Transcript Verlag (Histoire, v.104). Available online at https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/gbv/detail.action?docID=4818970.

Schäfer, Josef Hermann (2003): Ministerialrat Dr. med. Arthur Mallwitz (1880-1968). A life dedicated to sport, sports medicine and health care: a processing of his legacy. Food: Datext.

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1. Foreword to the WADA strategic plan 2014, https://www.wada-ama.org/en/resources/world-anti-doping-program/strategic-plan (accessed February 19, 2018).

2. Kruger and Nielsen; Waddington et al. 2015.

3. https://www.sportschau.de/doping/geheimsache-doping102.html (accessed on March 8, 2018)

4. The top athlete as a "transparent" person has become a topos of doping and anti-doping reporting for years, e.g. https://www.welt.de/sport/article152973429/Die-einzigartige-Tortur-der-deutschen- Topathleten.html (accessed on February 22, 2018).

5. This term goes back to Hans Lenk (Lenk 1979); See also Maennig 2003, who did not see the transparent athlete (athleta vitreus) as an alternative to the mature but rather the Homo Sportivus Oeconomicus.

6. Møller and Dimeo 2013

7. From the now almost unmanageable number of recent publications, the following overview works are mentioned: Møller et al. 2015 and Dresen et al. 2015. The most thorough historical-sociological individual study comes from Reinold 2016. See also own studies Krüger et al. 2014; Kruger et al. 2015; The pioneering work of Hoberman in 1994 is fundamental.

8. Reinold 2016

9. Pieper 2002

10. Goodman 1995

11. Shepherd 2003

12. In the following from Reinold 2016, especially pp. 71-124.

13. Reinold 2016, pp. 90/91.

14. Grupe 2002, here p. 60.

15th German Sports Confederation (DSB) 1977

16. Lenk 1984

17. Lenk 1979

18. Reinold 2016, p. 97

19th Dimeo 2013

20. Fotheringham 2007

21. Ljungquist 2002

22. Guttmann 2004

23. The law against doping in sport (Anti-Doping Law - AntiDopG) was passed in December 2015 by the German Bundestag.

24. Breivik 2003; Gilberg et al. 2007

25th Duke 2018; Rätsch and Hofmann 2008

26. Testosterone as the body's own male sex hormone was undetectable for a long time when it was used as an anabolic doping agent in sports. The undesirable side effects in men and women from this sporting point of view include serious effects on sexuality.

27. Kläber 2010

28. Latzel 2009

29. Reinold 2010; Kruger 2006; Meutgens 2007

30. Blickensdörfer and Baumann 1997, pp. 19-27.

31. Krüger 2006, p. 331.

32. Krockow 1980

33. Adorno 2003, p. 79; Kruger 2004

34th Weber 2015

35. Krockow 1990, pp. 286-288

36th Wheeler 1979

37. Prüller 1970

38th National Olympic Committee for Germany 1982

39. Adorno 2003 referred to Veblen 2011 in his capitalist cultural criticism

40. Coubertin and Daume 1996, pp. 18/19.

41. Holt 1993, pp. 98-116.

42. Coubertin and Daume 1996, p. 17.

43. Coubertin 1967, p. 151.

44. Coubertin 1974, including Coubertin's speech on the “Philosophy of Débrouillard” on July 30, 1907 on the occasion of the award of the “Diplom des Débrouillards” of the “Sport Populaires” at the Sorbonne in Paris, pp. 169-174.

45. Hojer et al. 1972, p. 113.

46. ​​Brundage therefore also stuck to Coubertin's idea of ​​sport as a religio athletae Brundage et al. 1971

47. Diem 1960, p. 25.

48. Kruger et al. 2015, pp. 62/63.

49.British Olympic Council 1908, p. 72.

50th Kruger 2006

51. Krüger 2005, pp. 172-180.